The Left’s Do–It–Yourself Authoritarianism

There’s a new meme circulating that Trumpistas have found very pertinent. It’s a stark black–and–white photo of a seated Trump. One elbow is on his left knee and his other hand is gesturing toward the viewer as he leans forward.

The president has an expression on his face not unlike the famous ‘Uncle Sam Wants You’ recruiting poster. The headline is: “In Reality They’re Not After Me. They’re After You. I’m Just in the Way.”

The meme’s is popular because Trump supporters know who’s in the on–deck circle if Trump strikes out.

Claremont Review of Books editor Charles Kesler observed the anti-Trump position boils down to two mutually exclusive alternatives. One “he’s a buffoon, a clown…who is, by temperament and experience, unfit to be president.” The alternate attack is “he’s a monster, racist and tyrant in waiting.”

Kesler’s wry judgment is “the two arguments are, however, in some tension.”

The intrinsic self–contradiction of the attacks hasn’t forced the left to settle on one or the other. Today unfit for the presidency is getting a lot of media play. An unholy tag–team of Bob Woodward, sage of the Eastern establishment, and Omarosa, the buffoon of Walmart shoppers, is accusing the president of being too senile or unstable to have access to the White House Christmas Party guest list to say nothing of the nuclear attack codes.

The Hitler–in-waiting argument doesn’t resonate with Kesler or me. I think Trump is simply too old. The fact he decided to throttle back on the likes of Stormy Daniels is an indication his stamina isn’t what it used to be. And becoming a dictator takes a lot of energy.

Kesler’s skepticism has its origin in Trump’s philosophy. “There are not many similarities between ‘Mein Kampf’ and ‘The Art of the Deal,’” Kesler explains. Trump doesn’t think the government is run by Jews, he thinks it’s run by idiots.

Running an authoritarian regime requires an authoritarian government. Trump can’t even prevent shoplifters from making off with government documents in the Oval Office, to say nothing of rounding up dissenters.

Operating a ‘papers–please’ police state at a minimum means you have the power to demand people show their papers, and Trump can’t even make illegals do that.

China is what a genuine 21st Century authoritarian state looks like and a Trump government that’s divided against itself doesn’t compare. What’s ironic here is the left has begun an ad hoc system of social control that resembles China’s, but it’s being run by the private sector.

China assigns its subjects a “social credit” score. The score is calculated based on observations from the state’s 200 million surveillance cameras, a person’s bill paying habits, web browsing history, political soundness and observance of even the most minor of laws.

ABC reports the score is “dependent on the person’s behavior but they can also be affected by people they associate with.”

We don’t have this level of granular government control in our lives yet, but that doesn’t mean citizens who fail to adhere to the left’s thought standards or associate with the wrong people, don’t face consequences.

In China people with low scores can’t get a government job. Here people with Trump administration ties are rejected by universities.

In China journalist Liu Hu can’t get a job because his stories angered the government. Here a conservative hired by The Atlantic was fired less than a week after being hired because his Twitter feed angered a leftist reporter.

In China a low score gets social media accounts suspended. Here conservatives are shadow–banned by Twitter and Facebook if their posts offend some backroom pencil–neck.

In China corporations toe the party line or they lose access to loans. Here Citibank and Bank of America unilaterally decide if gun manufacturers don’t toe the gun–grabbers line on the 2nd Amendment, the manufacturers can use the barter system for transactions.

In China associating with the wrong people means you are shunned. Here you can ask Sarah Huckabee Sanders how hard it is to find a good restaurant.

In China the power of the state causes the majority of the people to fall in line. Here leftists control the culture and currently only 48 percent of the people are still willing to even feebly resist.

And these victories come while the left is out of power. Where life gets really serious for Trump supporters, and the meme comes true, is if the left takes power again. Already our overlords in the Opposition Media are starting to claim that “Trump is only the symptom.” This means citizens who voted for Trump are the disease.

And in the long run, you know what the government does to diseases.

Any Chance Conservatives Will Finally Fight Back?

(This column was written before the deluge of sexual assault accusations hit the Roy Moore campaign in Alabama. At the time Codevilla’s advice was spot on, now I suppose now all conservatives are left is hope.)

The best moment for conservatives during the Claremont Institute’s panel discussion on “The Resistance and the Violent New Left” came at the end during the question period. An appeaser popped up and asked the panel how can “we” encourage more “leaders” like Lindsey Graham, John McCain and Lisa Murkowski to run for office instead of “embarrassing” candidates like Alabama’s Roy Moore?

His question was met with dead silence from the panel of William Voegeli and Angelo Codevilla (of the Claremont Institute), Michael Walsh (author and media critic) and Henry Olsen (Ethics & Public Policy Center).

After a lengthy pause Codevilla leaned over toward the microphone and observed Moore “hasn’t lost yet” and we can “vote and hope,” which was the conclusion of the optimism portion of the event.

In a single anecdote the audience saw the problem confronting conservatives today. We are assailed from without by, in Codevilla’s words, “a compact ruling class,” — where establishment Republicans are full participants — along with bike–lock swinging members of Antifa functioning as storm troops. While inside the GOP accommodationists and other Quislings want to restore tranquility by electing more politicians whose first instinct is preemptive surrender.

The situation doesn’t appear to hold much possibility for improvement in the panel’s view, in spite of or possibly because of the election of Donald Trump. Codevilla’s opinion is, “The Resistance has convinced itself Trump is a passing phenomenon.” And a brief one at that. “Trump was elected to be revolutionary against the ruling class and GOP establishment, but in office he has equivocated.”

It’s his belief that what he terms the Cold Civil War will continue to heat up.

Live–and–let–live conservatives are confused by the left’s increasing rhetorical and physical violence in what appears to be a Whittaker Chambers’ moment for the right. In sports, when one side appears to completely outclass its opponent, it’s not uncommon for the victor to display good sportsmanship and ease up rather than pad the margin of victory.

Conservatives see a cultural landscape where their moral positions have been routed. And an indifferent Big Government appears impervious to influence by average voters or election results.

Naturally, many conservatives assume they’ve lost. So why all the leftist violence? Isn’t it time to put the all–conference agitators on the bench?

As Mr. Dooley, not on the panel, said, “Politics ain’t bean–bag.”

“Cultural Marxists are sensing a win and it’s a fact movements get more violent the closer they get to ultimate victory,” explains Walsh. Voegeli posits that when a faction thinks it’s only a matter of time before total victory and the assumption of power in a permanent majority, any display of inhibition is a betrayal of the cause.

Furthermore, the left’s violence and the ideology isn’t likely to be coherent. “A [movement] united by impulse is likely to be impulsive,” Voegeli wryly observes.

The bad news for accommodationist Republicans, like the questioner, is when the left wins there aren’t likely to be many prisoners taken, ideological or otherwise. Academia’s cultural Marxists are marinated in aggressive outrage and moral arrogance. “The Left is taught they’re inherently superior,” Codevilla said.  And as ideologically superior beings, those who disagree are by default intellectual sub–humans with all the tender care and feeding the sub–human label encompasses.

Adapting to the left’s views is going to be difficult if not impossible for principled conservatives, although Lindsay Graham and John McCain may offer conversion therapy.

Olsen says the left defines America as “individual freedom. Anything that stands between desire and its fulfillment is null and void.” This leftist definition of America is intensely personal and subject to abrupt change (Voegeli’s “impulse”), while for conservatives the definition is institutional and relatively fixed. Olsen and Codevilla are united in their belief the differences between left and right are “intractable.”

Consequently, there’s no room for compromise in this ideological fight to the finish. Codevilla warns there are real consequences, “The Resistance expresses the evolving framework of ruling class thought.” The absurd and aggressive ideology one can read with distaste in the HuffPost is a harbinger of the next Democrat administration’s policy. Even Hillary Clinton, according to Codevilla, planned to “crush the deplorables and buy off the pitiables” on her way to victory.

With the exception of Olsen, the panel is united in a belief the left must be confronted and defeated in the street and in the voting booth. Conservatives need leadership, like Trump, that will get in the faces of the left and, not like Trump, be consistent in their opposition.

Walsh in particular has had it, “I can’t emphasize enough what miserable sods these people are. The left is an insane cargo cult of fascists. Until baby boomers are dead you will have no justice and no peace.”

It’s Not Trump’s Fault GOP Leaders Have Failed

Way back in the pre–Trump mists of time, former Texas Gov. Rick Perry began his presidential comeback at the Gridiron Dinner where he described his 2012 campaign thusly, “The weakest Republican field in history — and they kicked my butt.”

Three and a half years later William Voegeli, senior editor of the Claremont Review of Books, points out, “Against a field of 16 contenders that George Will called the most talented since 1980, Trump beat them all.”

crazy-mitch-mcconnell-meme-one-third-term-president_1_So what does that say about Trump and the Republican Party?

Plenty according to a panel sponsored by the Claremont Institute that contained Voegeli, Claremont ROB editor Charles Kesler, Boston College professor Martha Bayles, NY GOP Senate Candidate Wendy Stone Long and the Ethics & Public Policy Center’s Peter Wehner.

I’ve always found it remarkable that a man who talks as much as Trump still remains largely inarticulate. His pronouncements require more interpretation than that of the Oracle at Delphi and the interpretations vary in intensity and favorability.

Fortunately the Claremont panel was up to the task. Click on the link below to discover how conservatives can make the case for voting Trump.

http://www.newsmax.com/MichaelShannon/conservatives-government/2016/06/16/id/734211/